In the 1980s, Davao City was widely described — including by Asiaweek — as one of the most violent urban centers in the country. Two decades later, under Rodrigo Duterte, it was attracting investors, stabilizing local security, and enforcing public order with consistency. He did not rely on task forces or extended studies. He showed up, gave direction, and enforced compliance.
That was the blueprint. When COVID-19 arrived in 2020, the country saw what that approach looked like at national scale.
STRIKE FIRST, STRIKE HARD
According to a UNU-WIDER working paper (2022), travel restrictions on high-risk areas, including China’s Hubei province, were imposed early — before widespread local transmission. Once cases emerged, escalation followed quickly. Proclamation No. 922, issued on March 9, 2020, declared a national public health emergency. Within days, an Enhanced Community Quarantine was imposed across Luzon — home to more than 57 million Filipinos — creating one of the strictest lockdowns in Southeast Asia (IACL-AIDC Blog, June 2020).
Movement stopped. Transmission slowed. Act early, act decisively.
WEAPONIZE THE STATE
As reported by Foreign Policy (April 2020), the Bayanihan to Heal as One Act granted emergency powers to reallocate public resources and mobilize private facilities. Roughly ₱275 billion was redirected toward pandemic response (DBM Bayanihan Fund Tracker). The DTI imposed a 60-day price freeze on basic commodities, and landlords were directed to implement mandatory rent grace periods — keeping households from collapsing while income stopped. Bureaucratic layers were reduced. Funds moved. The state shifted from process to execution.
PROTECT THE FRONTLINE. REACH THE POOR.
Public health workers received risk allowances under Republic Act No. 11469 (Platon Martinez Law). Families of fallen frontliners received financial support, and government frontliners were granted daily hazard pay (Philippine News Agency). Emergency subsidies of ₱5,000 to ₱8,000 reached 18 million low-income households.
VACCINES AND RECOVERY
Executive Order No. 121 shortened vaccine approval timelines (Philippine News Agency), and the Department of Finance secured $1.2 billion from multilateral institutions for procurement. Bayanihan 2 released ₱165.5 billion supporting MSMEs, transport, and agriculture.
Not refined. But operational. That same governing instinct now faces a different test.
2026: If PRRD Faced This Oil Crisis
The Philippines relies heavily on imported oil. Since late February 2026, the Strait of Hormuz has been choked by conflict. As of late March, only 45 days of supply remain. Gasoline is up 50%. Diesel is up 80%. Jeepneys are idle. Farmers cannot afford to plant.
Under a Duterte-style response, delay is removed from the system.
Day 1 — Emergency Powers, Immediately
A national energy emergency is declared within hours. Fiscal resources are redirected toward fuel procurement and supply stabilization. A unified command is established across energy, transport, agriculture, and defense. The suspension of fuel excise taxes under the TRAIN Law is endorsed immediately — reducing pump prices without affecting supply.
Day 2 — Price Ceilings, Rent Relief, and Market Control
Fuel price ceilings and a basic commodities price freeze are imposed. Oil firms are placed under mandatory inventory reporting. Hoarding triggers state intervention. Landlords of transport operators and small businesses are directed to grant mandatory rent grace periods. The government sets the conditions. The market follows.
Day 3 — Cash, Fuel, and OFW Protection
Fuel vouchers and cash reach drivers, farmers, and fisherfolk within 72 hours. Agriculture and logistics receive priority access. With over two million Filipinos working in the Middle East, diplomatic contact is activated to protect their welfare and the remittance flows millions of families depend on.
Week 1 — Secure Supply, Bilaterally and Regionally
Bilateral procurement agreements with Russia, China, India, Japan, and Singapore are pursued simultaneously. A call for emergency ASEAN consultation, joint reserve sharing, and coordinated regional purchasing follows. The region shares the same vulnerability. Collective action reduces price pressure for all. Energy security is strategic self-interest — the only language crisis diplomacy understands.
Week 2 — Manage Demand
Non-essential consumption is reduced. Work-from-home directives expand. Conservation is framed as national obligation, not personal choice.
THE WEEKLY MANDATE: GOVERNANCE THROUGH PRESENCE
During the pandemic, the Talk to the People briefings became a regular instrument of governance. Weekly addresses ensured updates on supply levels, policy shifts, and actions were never more than days away. This was not merely communication. It was a mechanism of control — aligning agencies and signaling direction across the system.
In a crisis, the gap between what government knows and what the public understands is itself a risk.
Duterte’s governance model rests on a simple premise: delay carries consequence. It trades refinement for speed, consensus for control, and process for outcomes.
When pressure rises, it does not pause.
It moves.
Author’s Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are intended to encourage public discussion on governance and national issues. They do not represent any official position of the institutions the author may be affiliated with.
(Paul Chua, PhD, holds doctoral degrees in Fiscal Management and Peace and Security, and a master’s degree in National Security Administration. He has completed Executive Education program on “Strategic Management of Regulatory and Enforcement Agencies” at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government. Facebook: Doc Paul)
Originally published by The Manila Times on April 16, 2026.
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